The European Union(EU)is an organization of 15（）that promote

Passage 3
For the first time in decades, some of the fundamental achievements and tenets of the EU are under threat. These include the single currency, open borders, free movement of labor and the notion that membership is forever.
Rather than rising to these challenges, the EU is creaking under the strain. Its 28 members are arguing bitterly and seem incapable of framing effective responses to their common problems.
These arguments are also taking place against an
ominous backdrop. Large parts of the EU remain sunk in a semi-depression with high unemployment and unsustainable public finances. The problems of an imploding Middle East are crowding in on Europe, in the form of hundreds of thousands of refugees. And the political fringes are on the rise---with the latest evidence being the election of a far-left Eurosceptic candidates to lead Britain`s Labor party.
With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined
to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether.
The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire
fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England.
If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls.
Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules
by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement.
The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle
under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap.
Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better,
by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return.
The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of
the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis
within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections.
A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant.

What is the best title for this passage?

A. The impact of Refugee Crisis in EU.
B. The Crisis that Threaten to Unravel the EU
C. UK, to Leave or to Stay
D. EU Sees the Light at the End of the Tunnel.

With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined
to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether.
The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire
fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England.
If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls.
Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules
by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement.
The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle
under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap.
Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better,
by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return.
The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of
the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis
within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections.
A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant.

The underlined sentence in the last paragraph“A partial unravelling and marginalization
of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse.” tells us that ___.

A. EU might disappear overnight.
B. If effective measures are taken, EU may escape the fate of collapse.
C. EU may disintegrate gradually and be less influential.
D. It is highly possible that EU will face a full-scale collapse rather than partial unravelling and marginalization.

Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign.
To solve the euro problem，Germany proposed that______

A.EU funds for poor regions be increased
B.stricter regulations be imposed
C.only core members be involved in economic coordination
D.voting rights of the EU members be guaranteed

With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined
to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether.
The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire
fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England.
If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls.
Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules
by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement.
The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle
under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap.
Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better,
by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return.
The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of
the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis
within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections.
A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant.

Which one of the following statements is true?

A. Greece did not want to take austerity measures but they have no choice.
B. Border controls imposed by some countries will be permanent.
C. If a migrant is given citizenship by Italian government, he can move freely to Germany or Serbia.
D. Euro, as the single currency of EU, is unscathed with the crisis.

With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined
to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether.
The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire
fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England.
If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls.
Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules
by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement.
The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle
under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap.
Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better,
by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return.
The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of
the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis
within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections.
A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant.

If the Britain's Labor Party is led by a far-left Eurosceptic candidate, what would most likely happen?

A. He would choose to stay in the EU.
B. He would work with other members of EU to respond to the problems EU faces.
C. He would open borders to offer asylum to refugees.
D. He would probably hasten the exit of UK from EU.

With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined
to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether.
The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire
fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England.
If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls.
Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules
by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement.
The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle
under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap.
Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better,
by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return.
The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of
the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis
within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections.
A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant.

We can infer from the passage that___.

A. The idea of open borders will no longer exist.
B. EU’s central achievement is its single market.
C. Members in EU seem incapable of coming up with effective responses to their problems.
D. To avoid sorry fates, members of EU must cooperate and take collective actions to deal with the common problems.

Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign.
Regarding the future of the EU,the author seems to feel____

A.pessimistic
B.desperate
C.conceited
D.hopeful

Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign.
The debate over the EU's single currency is stuck because the dominant powers_____

A.are competing for the leading position
B.are busy handling their own crises
C.fail to reach an agreement on harmonization
D.disagree on the steps towards disintegration