Women’s high participation in informal employment is______ t

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It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.
Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.
Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.

The underlined word "innovations" in Para.2 may be replaced by
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A．efficiency
B．productivity
C．innovations
D．transforming

请阅读短文，完成此题。
It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.
Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.
Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.

What is the main idea of the first paragraph?
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A．The mechanization of work has a revolutionary eftct.
B．The social mechanization would "aftct women's lives.
C．The social status of women has changed.
D．Observers have different ideas about the effect of social mechanizatiou.

请阅读短文，完成此题。
It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.
Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.
Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.

Which of the following statement is Not true?
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A．Now the phenomenon of choosing employees by gender does no longer exist.
B．Women have little opportunity for promotion.
C．Women are needed to do much housework.
D．Women always get low pay in their occupations.

请阅读短文，完成此题。
It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.
Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.
Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.

Why did the numbers of married women employers increase in the 20th century?
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A．The mechanization of housework.
B．The married women have much spare time.
C．The employers don't want to hire the single women.
D．Because of their own economic uecessity and high marriage rates.

请阅读短文，完成此题。
It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.
Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.
Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.

The best title of the passage may be
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A．The Influence of Mechanization
B．The Status of Women is Changing
C．Changes of Women's Work
D．Are Women and Men Equal

共用题干
Women with AIDS
For a long time women with HIV were ignored because the focus was totally on HIV men.The gay community was very much in sight and vocal and successfully got support for its cause.Now we are rapidly approaching the point where about one half of all AIDS cases in the world are women .But no one is taking this dangerously high level of infection among women seriously enough.
Women usually have a worse time dealing with HIV than men do.In most cases,the woman is taking care of children as well as her sick partner. She may not even have time to take care of her-self. The HIV- positive woman ends up shouldering the family as well as her own personal prob- lems.Men,however,are usually the ones who have insurance income and access to doctors.They get care.Women often do not.
The discrimination against HIV-positive women is simply terrible.They are likely to be more inactive than men in home and workplace because too many people think that women are the cause of the discase .This is not at all true.They get it from a man.They don't just simply have HIV.Of cause,there's a social discrimination against all people with HIV.They are scared that other peo- ple will know they are HIV-positive and that they will,therefore be discriminated against.For ex-ample,it's very difficult for people with HIV to travel.They are not allowed to enter many coun- tries,including the United States,China and Russia.
The biggest difficulty an HIV-positive woman must face is the isolation.Once the woman knows she's HIV-positive,she lives in fear that other people will find out. She's so frightened she will go into hiding,into an isolated place by herself. It's not at all uncommon to meet a woman who has been HIV-positive for nearly 10 years and has never told anyone,except her doctor. And the resulting stress is enough to make her sick.But HIV-positive women who get support,who can discuss their trouble and then do something about it-whether that means taking better care of them-selves or going to the United Nations to struggle for their rights-are likely to live longer. Active women don't die out of shame in a corner. This happens to too many HIV-positive women.

The high level of infection among women has been taken seriously.
A: Right
B: Wrong
C: Not mentioned